Revisiting History: the TPLF versus the EPRP

By Getachew Reda

I am hoping that many people from Tigray followed the 8th Congress of the TPLF assembly will conclude getting nothing new but listening the usual “ritual curse” from TPLF against its opponents mainly the EPRP” (the nightmare of narrow nationalists and chauvinists) dubbed by TPLF and EPLF as “Abay Ethiopia” as an expression of discontent against EPRP who engaged in politics of multi party from its early foundation, respect “the sovereignty, unity of Ethiopia gathered under the banner of Ethiopiawinet”. Its members lift high up the nation’s tricolor flag and kissed it pouring the love of tears from heart when they sing, sleeps, when they fight, wounded or die. It is this organization produced the lovely sons of Tigray from Tesfay Debessay to Tselote Hitskiyas and Haile Abay,Teklai and Hagos Bezabih. (At the leadership and membership level there were many Tigrayans in EPRP than in the TPLF).

It certainly irritates me looking at the documents of the horrendous crime of TPLF taken by TPLF authorities against the Ethiopian sovereignty and scars to be left for the future against the unity and relation of the polite people of Ethiopian farmers. Millions are concerned and frustrated by such national crime. It landlocked the nation illegally, its position still remains unchanged; it imprisoned the nation’s most respected elder citizens, dignified educated and human right advocates and young mothers, students, respected woman and men lawyers and members of the Ethiopian press. And yet, TPLF acts as if it did nothing wrong, and all is normal, as if the human right issue is in a good shape going smooth and tells its members the opposition remains insignificant as long as TPLF gets the “Green Light” from foreign powers borrowing money to built its corrupt official’s “Economic Empire”. And yet, never apologize or acknowledge, or correct its actions for all the crime it committed since its foundation in Tigray until present time.

With all its ugly pictures of national and human right abuses, the TPLF/EPRDF core media and its affiliate media painted TPLF’s historical biography as nationalist, patriotic organization in its recent conference of TPLF in Mekele and other towns in Ethiopia. The TPLF media particularly the Tigringa media “Rdio DimTsi Weyane and Weyin- TPLF publication” are very skill full in painting and using impressive vocabularies to convince its premature consumers, mainly the very young one who are not familiar with TPLF’s root of cruelty; what TPLF officials called it “the Young Blood” (its main target at present to keep its mission of Ethiopian destruction further worst).

I notice several months that the TPLF satellites and its main media outlets everywhere started to interview individuals to degrade the struggle of EPRP and the contribution and the courage of energy EPRP’s leaders and members still releasing to restore the dignity, unity and sovereignty of Ethiopia disrespected by TPLF/EPLF leaders. Regardless the organization went under through many painful changes of its ups and downs, still it continues exposing TPLF’s manipulative system. We all have to appreciate its leaders and members for confronting not refusing to face the threat of TPLF like the TPLF CC splinters who still are provided economic and security benefits from TPLF (for your information –Tsegay Berhe who replaced Gebru Asrat told his audience in America last year- that all the CC splinter group are still allowed to keep their body guards, free government apartments, and their salary they used to get paid by the government- I have the recorded tape with me).

I am very sure those who followed the interview and statements of some TPLF officials and the tones of arrogance they showed towards EDU, EPRP, and the recent newly born party Kinijit should be condemned. And such propaganda of lie springing from the large barrel of arrogance need to know, those too, are qualified Ethiopian nationalists and patriots who went through hardship to save a nation from mercenaries, tyrants and conspirators.

It should be clear to the “Young Blood” in Tigray that the fountain of lie sprinkled from TPLF/EPRDF media and some TPLF officials claiming “sweeping EPRP from Tigray territory after extreme patience and tolerance” and accusing EPRP as the perpetrator of the armed conflict between TPLF and EPRP needed to be challenged by those of us who read many documents from both sides and witnessed both sides tolerance and principle closely. Here follows the truth.

“Differences on the analysis of the Ethiopian situation notwithstanding, the EPRA delegates presented a four-point proposal regarding relationship. The first point discussed the integration of the two groups. If that was difficult to implement, the second option was to form a united front. If no understanding could be reached on the second proposal, the third option was to sign an agreement of cooperation. If the third option didn’t work out, the last option was to make an arrangement of “peaceful coexistence” and avoid military confrontation” (Kiflu Tadesse Part II, The Generation) The TPLF was reviewing its program and didn’t propose a specific proposal. It objected the merger of the two groups arguing that the TPLF was not a party (The EPRP and the Ethiopian revolution, Page 37, April 1980 (A TPLF publication). The TPLF could not accept the formation of a united front on the grounds that it could not be initiated only by one nationalist and one multinational organization. In the assessment it conducted in 1985, about ten years later, the TPLF admitted that the position was wrong, and it was due to narrow nationalist feelings (the 10Th Year Assessment of the Communist Force within the TPLF, PAGE 20,53) The Generation by Kiflu Tadesse Part II

While the option of “peaceful coexistence” was under discussion, the TPLF suggested that the EPRP leave Tigrai. The TPLF advocated the formation of nationalist organizations as opposed to multinational ones, and conducting the struggle on a strict national and regional basis. The TPLF proposed that each nationalist organization limit itself to its respective territory; the Amharas to Amharic speaking areas, the Oromos to Wellega, etc. The EPRP delegates found TPLF’s request to leave Tigray quite unacceptable and the idea was rejected outright. They explained that, as a multinational organization, the EPRP/EPRA had the right to operate wherever it felt appropriate. The delegates believed that the EPRP had more Tigrayan members than the TPLF itself and had equal rights to operate in the Tigray area, even if ethnic composition would be given credence. Among the EPRP delegates who conducted the negotiation were Berhane Iyasu, and MGE, from the Tigray region. Once again, in the assessment conducted in 1985, the TPLF admitted that their position was wrong (Ibid., pages 19-20) read Kiflu Tadesse’s book “The Generation Part II)

Time goes by. With no agreement, the negotiators schedule another date. In the meantime TPLF opened a campaign against the EPRP. In November 1975 at a place called Hareza, a TPLF contingent asserted that it would drive “Amhars” out of the area. This referred to the EPRA (EPRP).

The second meeting took a month later, in November 1975, at Saasie. The Impasses unbroken and the discussion were postponed for another date. After the second meeting the TPLF concluded EPRP was petty bourgeois and a chauvinist organization. That is inimical to the Tigrayan people. A paper reflects much later reflected that view. After the two meetings TPLF bided its time waiting for an opportunity to implement its beliefs to drive out the EPRA from Tigray. A similar idea was expressed in the report titled the Assessment of the Marxist Leninist League of Tigrai, July 1985.

Regardless the several meetings (the document showed Nine meetings), the relationship between the two-armed groups continued to deteriorate. And recriminations were intensified. In August and September 1976, the TPLF officially published anti-EPRP articles in its publication “Weyen” All Tigrayan EPRPmemebrs and those who collaborated with the organization were nicknamed “kurkurat”, a Tigrayan word which, directly translated means “puppies”, but case stood for “lackey” of the Amharas. The EPRP was dubbed “Abay Ethiopia”, a Tigrayan word for greater Ethiopia. It implied chauvinism……..in those areas where EPRA members conducted propaganda activities, they portrayed the TPLF as a narrow nationalist organization and it seemed that Tigrayans in the Agame Awraja liked such presentation. Once, a peasant remarked, “to me Ethiopia means a “full injera” (bread) and Tigrai means only half an injera” (The 10ThYear Assessment of the Communist Force within the TPLF, page 18, and also The Generation Part II by Kiflu Tadesse)

When the TPLF leadership published “1975” manifesto declaring that it was fighting for Tigrayan independence, the relationship between the two groups deteriorated further (Aregawi Berhe the former leader of TPLF from his article “Malelit Zelalit”, stated that the Manifesto declaring the independence of Tigrai was prepared by only three members of the leadership, Abay Tsehaye, Meles Zenawi and Weldesilassie/Sebhat/ Nega).

Throughout the whole period, the two organizations remained unable to create a platform on which to cooperate or work together. The main obstacles during the initial phase of contact were the difference opinions of the two groups regarding the struggle and TPLF’s insistence that EPRA should leave Tigrai and operate elsewhere. As tension mounted, members of both organizations confronted each other using all kinds of pretexts. Name-calling was the common form of expressing discontent, until the TPLF went a step ahead and began harassing the peasant militia and supporters of EPRA. Some of the peasants were flogged. Then the TPLF began killing peasants who supported the EPRA. Among the first to be killed was Kahsai, a peasant of the Adi Irob area in the Agame district (Kiflu Tadesse, The Generation Part II) Following this incident, the EPRA leadership passed a memo expressing its intention to take a measure against the TPLF. However, EPRA members protested and the leadership backed off.

The reality on the ground brought the TPLF and the EPRA to confrontation. Both groups operated in the same area and make efforts to win over the same population. Conflicts that arose between two villages or two individual organizations would involve the two organizations, each supporting the other side. Both organizations would involve themselves in a conflict to win over a peasant association. Conflicts would also arise when recruiting peasant militia and TPLF members were enraged when many peasants continued to support the EPRA. (The Generation Kiflu Tadesse Part II –Interview, a member of EPRA General command, November 1994)

The conflict between the TPLF and EPRP was not limited to the rural structures. There were conflicts between the two organizations in the Tigray urban areas as well. The EPRP believed that TPLF had collaborated with POMOA (Hezb Derejit) representatives in of Adigrat and Mekele and passed on the names of suspected EPRP members. The EPRP (Report of the EPRP FC to EPRP and Youth League members, page 10). In mid 1977, the EPRP detained a member of the Adigrat POMOA who was accused of endangering the lives of EPRP members. Before action was taken, the TPLF disclosed that he was among its members and the individual was turned over to the TPLF (Ibd., page 12). During the last months of 1977, the EPRA ACCUSED THE TPLF executing a lineman, that is, EPRP members assigned to escort members from the urban areas. When he was killed, the line –man was guiding some members who never reached the EPRA. It was believed that they were kidnapped by the TPLF.

For a year and half, says the author (Kiflu Tadesse in his book The Generation Part II), tension mounted between the EPRA and TPLF and both groups formed attitudes about each other. As was indicated earlier, most of the TPLF leadership had concluded that all Ethiopian multinational organizations, including the EPRP, were chauvinistic (the 10th Year Assessment of the Communist Force within the TPLF, Page 18). On the other hand, EPRP and EPRA members considered the TPLF a narrow nationalist organization. Ironically, the TPLF itself came to a similar conclusion in its assessment ten years later, which linked TPLF’S mistakes to “narrow nationalist deviations”. The assessment however, made a distinction between a “narrow nationalist line” and “deviation” (Ibid., page 25)

The EPRP believed war with a nationalist organization would tarnish its image not only among Tigrayns, but other nationalist as well. Besides the EPRP did not want to be trapped into an internecine war with a nationalist organization while it was in a sever crisis and had other tasks to accomplish. Furthermore, the TPLF had already changed its political program and had dropped the question of Tigrayan independence; it had exhibited some flexibility, be it in earnest or feigned. (The Generation, Part II-Kiflu Tadesse).

Another difference emerged when the TPLF insisted upon being recognized as the sole representative of the Tigrai people (Report of the EPRP FC to EPRP and Youth League members, page 11.) The EPRP delegates refused to accept that notion on the grounds that it was up to the Tigrayan people to make that decision (Kiflu Tadesse –The Generation Part II) This was during both sides agree to form a Front and Coordinating Committee of both sides was expected to submit proposals on the formation of a front to both leadership bodies, and was expected to take the lead in that endeavor. There was also another major point of difference over participation in the front to be formed. EPRP delegates suggested that parties, groups, national movements, mass organizations and professional organizations should take part in the front (Report of the EPRP FC to EPRP and Youth League Members, page 53). During this period, the EPRP had formed a number of mass and national organizations that had accepted its program and leadership. The TPLF rejected the idea and suggested that only the EPRP should join the front.

Be that as it were, the coordinating committee resolved some issues. However, the euphoria of front formation didn’t last long. Member of EPRA militia was killed by the TPLF. The anti–EPRP campaign was stepped-up and tension continued running high. The EPRA, in a deep political problem (with rectification movement), was consumed by internal problems. (The Generation Part II)

The TPLF was at war with EDU-Teranafit. Besides, it also faced internal crisis due to fighter’s discontent. One of the first demands of the fighters was regional representation in the TPLF leadership. During this time the great majority of the TPLF leadership were from Adwa (one of the Awarajas in Tigray-where Meles Zenawi is from) Furthermore the fighters wanted “to discuss on issues regarding the internal structure of the TPLF and matters concerning TPLF’s relationship with other democratic organizations, such as EPRP”. There were complaints against the members of the leadership of nepotism, favoritism, partiality, undemocratic practices, etc. The summary execution of nine TPLF fighters who resigned from the organization and demanded safe passage was another issue that exacerbated the crisis. (The majority of those killed were from Tembien and Inderta. Interview Hailu Mengesha , October 1997 one of the TPLF founding fathers believed to be as the victim of the crisis known as Hinfishfish where and nepotism, favoritism and regionalism were considered the main factors for mass desertion. Many number of fighters killed and when all was over, a determined and monolithic TPLF leadership emerged.

Be that as it may, both still wanted to solve problems staging different meetings and continued meeting. EPRA/EPRP delegates asked the TPLF about the contact the group had allegedly established with the Derge (it is referring the secret meeting held in late 1977 early 1978 in Axum with the Derg member Nadew Zekarias as reported in Northeast Africa Studies), in which EPRA accused TPLF and the Dergue for coordinating their force to attack EPRP- on which some believed it indeed took place. And TPLF response to the allegation of the meeting was that it was a false charge.

Somehow, both agreed to ease tensions. After weeks after the new agreement, two EPRA members were killed by the TPLF. The TPLF called the 9th meeting on February 1978. Delegates (EPRP and TPLF) of both sides were represented wholly by Tigrayn Tigringa speaking delegates. From EPRP- Zeru Kehishen, Gebre Egziabiher Hailemikael/Gaim/, Gedion, A. and the late Haile Abay. From the TPLF side- Birhane Gebrekristos, Tewedros Hagos and others. The main point of the agenda, which TPLF wanted to discuss, was regarding the EPRP contingent in Kilite Awlaelo area lead by Redai who was conducting effective political and social activities (including farming) among the peasantry. EPRP delegates could not accept the demand. The meeting was concluded without achieving much. Another meeting was set. In the meantime skirmishes continued here and there, particularly in Sebeya about six miles from Aiga. A TPLF force in Sebeya, opened fire on un-expecting EPRA force. Because of the presence of other EPRA forces in the vicinity, the TPLF forces was overpowered and it retreated from the Agame area. Then, the EPRA attacked a TPLF prison in Sebeya and released more than twenty TPLF members. The prisoners claimed, that they had been arrested because they had demanded to resign from the TPLF (interview MGE, 1991 The Generation Part II- MGE is one of the founding members of the EPRA ). By the way Muse Mehari the former EPLF member of the dead squad and a fighter, sent by Isayas Afewerki to establish EPLF satellites and contact Tigrayan in Addis Ababa whom later became one of the founding father and the first military commander of TPLF in the early time of TPLF’s foundation who Muse asked MGE if it is okay to join EPRA, on which MGE told Muse he didn’t have the authority to decide on such matter and referred him to Birhane Meskel. This is after MGE met Muse in a small town of Tigray near the border of Eritrea Muse wearing suit coming from Addis Ababa after making arrangement for the arrival of those Tigrayan activists from Addis Ababa to Tigray/Eritrea for military and political training purposes. (Are you surprised as I am?)

After retreated few days from Agame areas for a few days, reinforced TPLF force returned and on March 13, 1978, it attacked an unsuspected EPRA contingent (company 74), putting a third of it out of action. Company 74 was conducting routine activities and it was uninformed even about the Sebeya battle between the TPLF and the EPRA. Furthermore, TPLF forces attacked two EPRA contingents at a place called Midro not far from Nebelet (Interview, AH, January 1996- The Generation part II)

EPRA forces sustained heavy causalities and the remaining forces retreated. When TPLF unexpected attack was known, retreating EPRA forces regrouped around the base area. TPLF forces continued advancing and opened an offence on EPRP in Bizet. Fierce war ensued. Both the TPLF and the EPRA sustained heavy causalities. Many of EPRA’s irreplaceable military leaders fell victim. Besides TPLF’s surprise attack, lack of sleep, malaria, hunger and low moral (sic) constituted additional problems for EPRA fighters. The author forgot to add that the EPRA lacked bullets.

EPRA forces retreated further and TPLF forces advanced on two fronts. On one of the fronts, very close to the base area, another battle took place. The battle went on for the whole day, at which point, the EPRA leadership decided to lure in the TPLF to a more favorable terrain and attack it when darkness fell. Before it could implement its tactics, the EPRA was surprised when a large force in UNIFORM (figure this mystery for yourself who these army with full uniform could be at that time in that forest) came from Tsorona in the direction of Eritrea and blocked the exit. It was not conformed with absolute certainty, but many EPRA fighters and the leadership concluded that the EPLF was also taking part in the war. Their conclusion was based on the uniform that the group was wearing, the style of the warfare it conducted, and the firepower and the highland Eritrean dialect the combatants spoke. During the period both the TPLF and the EPRP had no uniforms. The battle continued. At later time the leadership decided general retreat through Shemezana. The leadership reached that conclusion after a series of defeat, it believed that the EPRA was surrounded on all sides and felt that the EPLF was also taking part in the war. At the end of the war, both sides sustained heavy casualties.

After enduring hardship for more than five months, the EPRA finally left Eritrea for Begemider. The ELF allowed the ERA allowed to leave when the Tekeze River was at peak level and crossing was very difficult. Despite the odds, EPRA members set out to meet the difficulties. Even though skilled swimmers accomplished the rafts, there were few who were swept away by the raging torrent. Crossing the Tekeze River was one of the sensational events in the history of EPRA. During the journey, there was a moment when starving EPRA members sustained themselves on three camels washed up on the riverbank of Gash. After that “feast”, many of the malnourished fighters fell ill of dysentery and typhus. Crossing the river took almost a week. Except two, the entire EPRA force along with their packed animals and arms arrived in Begemidir base area on October 5, 1978 and were happily reunited with other EPRA units. (Kiflu Tadesse, The Generation Part II). Life goes for bad or for good. The courage and patriotism remaining in the heart of the mighty EPRP is still greater than that of the TPLF, an anti Ethiopian force if ever there was one.